Pandemic revisionism has been on my mind lately. It seems that many people incorrectly believe we didn’t achieve much, despite our efforts. How quickly we forget. The horrors of New York City in the early days of Covid-19 reflected a virus spreading without mitigation. Virtually everywhere other than New York City experienced Covid-19 dramatically differently—that is, other US cities encountered the novel coronavirus in the context of serious efforts to contain it. That’s why truckloads of dead bodies didn’t become a fixture anywhere outside of New York City’s early outbreak.
I’m not alone in worrying that people have forgotten all of this. Lately, New York Times writer David Wallace Wells has been using his column to interview some pandemic experts around this topic. His interviews with two colleagues with whom I have collaborated, Dr. Katelyn Jetelina and Dr. Michael Mina, are highly recommended reading for anyone interested in what lessons from the pandemic we should have learned—and these go beyond the usual platitudes.
So for this installment of “What I’m Reading,” I’m sharing another Wallace Wells interview. In this interview, Wallace Wells interviews the authors of a new book entitled “The Big Fail: What the Pandemic Revealed About Who America Protects and Who It Leaves Behind.”
This is no ordinary interview. Wallace Wells clearly read this book and identified within it a key—and devastating—contradiction in its reasoning. Here is an early excerpt from the interview:
In the beginning of the book you write, in what almost feels like a thesis statement for the book: “A central tenet of this book is that we could not have done better, and pretending differently is a dangerous fiction, one that prevents us from taking a much needed look in the mirror.”
This claim, that the U.S. could not have done any better, runs against your other claim, that what we observed was an American failure. It is also a pretty extreme claim, I think, and I wanted to press you on it in part because it is, in my view, undermined by quite a lot of the work you do in the book itself.
Would the U.S. not have done better if it had recognized earlier that the disease spread through the air rather than in droplets? Would it not have done better if it hadn’t bungled the rollout of a Covid test in the early months? You write at length about PPE shortages and the problems of coordinating care between hospitals in the early months — would the country not have done better if it had addressed those problems quickly, or not suffered from them to begin with? Disparities in health care access — is it a dangerous fiction to think we might address that? You guys are big champions of Operation Warp Speed — would it not have been better if those vaccines had been rolled out to the public in nine months, rather than 12, getting shots into the arms of the vulnerable elderly before the first big winter surge? —David Wallace Wells, The New York Times.
Indeed, how can someone say we failed and also say that we could not have done any better?
I’m fascinated by this interview on two counts.
First, Wallace Wells surgically dissects a bizarre but increasingly popular viewpoint espoused in the book; that we did too much and that the benefits were nowhere near sufficient to justify them.
My view: Early on, we didn't have control of the situation and we had no choice but to do a lot; big, blunt instruments like staying home for weeks at a time. In the future, we could achieve more with less. But in early 2020, it was not apparent how to do that. Also, things like shelter-in-place to “flatten the curve” while we ramped up testing capacity and bought time for a vaccine saved hundreds of thousands of US lives, if not more. So, we did achieve a lot, which is something people seem to forget. The question of which mitigation actions were “worth it” (and when) requires much more ink. That is a question that I plan to spend a lot of time on in the coming years, because I still think most people—experts included—haven’t figured it all out yet.
Second, I think Wallace Wells is among a rare group of journalists in that he asks tough questions, but does so in good faith. He’s not “just asking questions” to create doubt and gotcha journalism. Rather, he’s pursuing insight and attempting to move our thinking forward. In the case of this interview with Joe Nocera and Bethany McLean, that required a bit of intellectual vivisection.
To whet your appetite a bit, please enjoy this moment:
Nocera: Do we really want to argue about this for the next 20 minutes? I feel like I’m on the witness stand.
Wallace Wells: Well, you did write a book on the subject.
Yes! If writers are going to publish a book based on flawed reasoning on a topic which literally concerns the lives of millions of people, they should have to answer for their sloppiness.
Here again is the link to this deeply satisfying interview. Too often, journalists don’t push back against bad or poorly reasoned ideas from their “expert” sources. That Wallace Wells does reflects a combination of preparation/care, and a philosophical willingness to be more than a passive vessel for the views of the subjects being interviewed. It also reflects a somewhat unusual circumstance—as far as I can tell—in which a columnist (i.e., a newspaper writer who is permitted and even expected to have a viewpoint, rather than maintain the veneer of neutrality required of a dispassionate beat journalist) is using his allotted space to conduct pointed Q&As. I haven’t seen a lot of this, but it seems effective. These are frank conversations that need to be had.
The common thread in Wallace Wells’s interviews as of late is a careful and thoughtful pushback against pandemic revisionism—that is, people remembering things wrongly—and deep interrogations into what we can actually learn and apply going forward. This is exactly what should be doing so that we are more prepared next time.
I had stopped reading NYT Covid coverage when the Morning/David Leonardt made large factual errors in interpreting data and refused to retract.
Thanks for highlighting this great interview! I'm curious what you think about Matt Yglesias's recent covid-19 retrospective ("What happened with Covid NPIs?", 11/1/23). It is a paid Substack article, but his thesis essentially goes like this:
Contrary to popular wisdom, there was not much covid mortality difference between "red" and "blue" states pre-vaccines not because NPIs were universally ineffective, but precisely BECAUSE NPIs were actually *quite* successfully implemented across the country, flattening the curve, and preventing a Lombardy or NYC-style horror anywhere else in the US. Obviously there were pronounced differences from 2021 on that trace directly to political rhetoric about vaccines. There was a lot of goalpost-shifting about what the objective was for NPIs. We initially told people it was to "flatten the curve" to buy time to learn more about the disease, ramp up PPE and treatments, prevent hospital overrun etc, and we did that! But then it shifted into a long-term strategy with people claiming we could somehow just prevent infections if everyone just followed NPIs forever with seemingly no time limit. When Delta (and later Omicron) hit and people who were formerly cautious and compliant with restrictions started getting covid a lot of trust and credibility eroded.
Yglesias also argues we could not have done much better than we did, not for any particularly nihilistic reasons, but because the pandemic playbook written by the Bush and Obama administrations in the 2000s in the shadow of bioterrorism directly looked to the Great Influenza of 1918 and we followed the precedent as well or better than a century ago. If you look at the data from that era, most NPIs were in place an average of only 4 weeks across the country, which was a little shorter than even the most aggressive red states were in re-opening; the longest 1918 influenza NPIs were in place for 10 continuous weeks, which was *FAR* shorter than many locations in the US with covid.
In the end, Yglesias argues that the lesson we should take from the pandemic is not "NPIs don't work" but that we should re-think which ones we pick, how they are implemented, and how they're enforced, or not. Masks (high-quality ones worn correctly) clearly DO reduce spread of respiratory viruses. However, the evidence the various mask MANDATES worked is less clear and provoked significant backlash, arguably making masks less effective in aggregate (less people wearing them because of politicization). Closing schools in spring 2020 made a ton of sense and was clearly the right move in the beginning when we didn't know anything. But keeping them closed a year after we opened bars and salons and gyms under lobbying from business interest groups isn't coherent policy and clearly upset a lot of people due to learning loss and mental health concerns to say nothing of the economic disruption. We need to remember that public health is not just the specific policy prescription, but also communication, trust, and real world implementation. Trade-offs and conflicting human behaviors abound. People don't exist as dots in a statistical model.
Maybe we could have improved results on the margins, but I do think coronaviruses are inherently much more contagious and difficult to control than something like the flu (speaking as a vet where many significant and deadly coronaviruses impact animals), and some of what we were up against was biology. The US is definitely different culturally than China/Singapore/Taiwan, etc and I don't think there was ever a world in which we could have made our citizens accept covid zero (outside of maybe a couple coastal cities). The biggest improvements we made was from converting an immunologically naive population to an immunocompetent one through vaccines, and sadly for many, natural infection.